If youâre on the Showtime TV feature “Homeland” and operating a covert, CIA backed, sock-puppet misinformation operation, where do you hang your workplace posters? In your interrogation room, of course.
State and federal laws require that all employers have posters conspicuously placed in the workplace.
What posters are you required to post? There are a bunch, although your mileage will vary based on which statutes cover your business and which do not.
Employee Polygraph Protection Act (all employers)
Employee Rights for Workers with Disabilities/Special Minimum Wage (all employers with disabled workers employed under special minimum wage certificates)
Equal Employment Opportunity is the Law (all employers with 15 or more employees, and all federal contractors and subcontractors wtih contracts of $10,000 or more)
Equal Employment Opportunity is the Law Supplement (all federal contractors and subcontractors wtih contracts of $10,000 or more)
E-Verify Participation and Right to Work (all employers participating in E-Verify)
Fair Labor Standards Act (all employers)
Family and Medical Leave Act: Your Rights Under the FMLA (all employers with 50 or more employees in 20 or more workweeks in the current or preceding calendar year)
Federal Minimum Wage for Contractors (all employer who contract with the federal government)
Notification of Employee Rights Under Federal Labor Law (all federal contractors and subcontractors)
OSHA Job Safety and Health: Itâs the Law (all employers)
OSHA Form 300, 300A, and 301 (most employers with 10 or more employees)
Uniformed Services Employment and Reemployment Rights Act: Your Rights Under USERRA (all employers)
State Minimum Wage (all employers)
Additionally, states have their own additional posting requirements. The good news is that all of these posters are available for free from state and federal agencies. Just make sure they are posted conspicuously, which, “Homeland” not withstanding, is likely not in your locked interrogation room.
Jon Hyman is a partner at Meyers, Roman, Friedberg & Lewis in Cleveland. To comment, email editors@workforce.com. Follow Hymanâs blog at Workforce.com/PracticalEmployer.
The court expressly held that âa person who alleges that she experienced employment discrimination on the basis of her sexual orientation has put forth a case of sex discrimination for Title VII purposes.â Hivley now stands in direct contradiction to the opinion of the 11th Circuit in Evans v. Georgia Regional Hosp., which sets up this issue for a showdown in the Supreme Court.
Which turns my attention to the more interesting aspect of this caseââ the courtâs discussions of the role of judges in interpreting statutes. Much was made about this issue in the recent Senate hearing on the nomination of Neil Gorsuch to fill Justice Antonin Scaliaâs Supreme Court seat. On this issue, this court has a lot to say.
Letâs start with the concurring words of Judge Richard A. Posner (which include a not-so-veiled shot at Fox News and its view of originalism in statutory construction), who astutely explains that one can act the judicial conservative and interpret original statutory intent as changing with the times.
In 1964 (and indeed until the 2000s), and in some states until the Supreme Courtâs decision in Obergefell v. Hodges, men were not allowed to marry each other, nor women allowed to marry each other. If in those days an employer fired a lesbian because he didnât like lesbians, he would have said that he was not firing her because she was a woman â he would not have fired her had she been heterosexual â and so he was not discriminating on the basis of sex as understood by the authors and ratifiers of Title VII. But today âsexâ has a broader meaning than the genitalia youâre born with. âŚ
But it has taken our courts and our society a considerable while to realize that sexual harassment, which has been pervasive in many workplaces (including many Capitol Hill offices and, notoriously, Fox News, among many other institutions), is a form of sex discrimination. It has taken a little longer for realization to dawn that discrimination based on a womanâs failure to fulfill stereotypical gender roles is also a form of sex discrimination. And it has taken still longer, with a substantial volume of cases struggling and failing to maintain a plausible, defensible line between sex discrimination and sexual-orientation discrimination, to realize that homosexuality is nothing worse than failing to fulfill stereotypical gender roles. âŚ
We now understand that homosexual men and women (and also bisexuals, defined as having both homosexual and heterosexual orientations) are normal in the ways that count, and beyond that have made many outstanding intellectual and cultural contributions to society ⌠. We now understand that homosexuals, male and female, play an essential role, in this country ⌠. The compelling social interest in protecting homosexuals (male and female) from discrimination justifies an admittedly loose âinterpretationâ of the word âsexâ in Title VII to embrace homosexuality: an interpretation that cannot be imputed to the framers of the statute but that we are entitled to adopt in light of (to quote Holmes) âwhat this country has become,â or, in Blackstonian terminology, to embrace as a sensible deviation from the literal or original meaning of the statutory language.
Compare this definition of âoriginalismâ to that of the dissenting opinion of Judge Diane S. Sykes:
Of course there is a robust debate on this subject in our culture, media, and politics. Attitudes about gay rights have dramatically shifted in the 53 years since the Civil Rights Act was adopted. ⌠This striking cultural change informs a case for legislative change and might eventually persuade the peopleâs representatives to amend the statute to implement a new public policy. But it does not bear on the sole inquiry properly before the en banc court: Is the prevailing interpretation of Title VII â that discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation is different in kind and not a form of sex discrimination â wrong as an original matter? âŚ
But the analysis must begin with the statutory text; it largely ends there too. Is it even remotely plausible that in 1964, when Title VII was adopted, a reasonable person competent in the English language would have understood that a law banning employment discrimination âbecause of sexâ also banned discrimination because of sexual orientation? The answer is no, of course not. âŚ
To a fluent speaker of the English language â then and now â the ordinary meaning of the word âsexâ does not fairly include the concept of âsexual orientation.â The two terms are never used interchangeably, and the latter is not subsumed within the former; there is no overlap in meaning. âŚ
The words plainly describe different traits, and the separate and distinct meaning of each term is easily grasped. More specifically to the point here, discrimination âbecause of sexâ is not reasonably understood to include discrimination based on sexual orientation, a different immutable characteristic. Classifying people by sexual orientation is different than classifying them by sex. The two traits are categorically distinct and widely recognized as such. There is no ambiguity or vagueness here.
This debate over the meaning of originalism will resume when this issue reaches SCOTUS, and will likely hold the key to how SCOTUS decides whether Title VIIâs definition of sex includes LGBT rights. Of course, Congress could moot this entire issue simply by amending Title VII, but I donât see that happening anytime soon.
Jon Hyman is a partner at Meyers, Roman, Friedberg & Lewis in Cleveland. To comment, email editors@workforce.com. Follow Hymanâs blog at Workforce.com/PracticalEmployer.
The legal standard for an âadverse actionâ to support a claim for workplace retaliation is pretty low. How low? According to the Supreme Court, an adverse action sufficient to support a claim for retaliation is any action that would dissuade a reasonable worker from complaining about discrimination.
But, is does it reach this low? In Bien-Aime v. Equity Residential (S.D.N.Y. 2/22/17), a federal court concluded that two managersâ general rudeness toward the plaintiff, which started only after the plaintiff filed a civil rights complaint, stood as a sufficient adverse action to support his retaliation claim.
What kind of rudeness? Iâll let the court explain:
Eichinger âstopped saying good morningâ to him; Sec âtotally change[d]â in the way he spoke to him and spoke to him without a âwarm welcomeâ in his voice; Sec continually monitored him at work; Sec asked him about two instances in which he incurred employee overtime without prior approval; and Sec and Eichinger talked to him like he was a criminal.
Yup, they no longer said good morning and spoke to him in less friendly manner. While the court conceded this was âa close question,â it believed a jury, and not a judge, should decide whether this change in demeanor qualified as an adverse action.
With all due respect to this court, the legal standard for an adverse action, is not mere adversity, but material adversity. As SCOTUS correctly explained:
We speak of material adversity because we believe it is important to separate significant from trivial harms. Title VII, we have said, does not set forth âa general civility code for the American workplace.â ⌠An employeeâs decision to report discriminatory behavior cannot immunize that employee from those petty slights or minor annoyances that often take place at work and that all employees experience ⌠. It does so by prohibiting employer actions that are likely âto deter victims of discrimination from complaining to the EEOC,â the courts, and their employers ⌠. And normally petty slights, minor annoyances, and simple lack of good manners will not create such deterrence ⌠.
Someone convince me that the acts of these managers as alleged in Bien-Aime are anything other than âpetty slights, minor annoyances, and simple lack of good manners.â The floor is yours.
2. The irony of the fact that the plaintiffâs surname translates to âwell likedâ is not lost on me.
Jon Hyman is a partner at Meyers, Roman, Friedberg & Lewis in Cleveland. To comment, email editors@workforce.com. Follow Hymanâs blog at Workforce.com/PracticalEmployer.
Donald Bush worked as a chef manager for Compass Group. According his written job description, his duties included routinely lifting more than 10 pounds. Bush informed his employer that he suffered from rapidly progressing cervical/thoracic spondylosis (a degenerative back condition), and requested a transfer to a less physically demanding job. Ultimately, Compass Group fired him because his illness prevented him from heavy lifting of over 50 pounds.
So, who wins Bushâs disability discrimination claim? Bush (based on the 10 pound limit in his job description), or Compass Group (based on its estimation of the practical realities of his jobâs lifting requirements)?
Uncontroverted evidence shows that lifting up to fifty pounds was an essential part of Bushâs job duties. During his deposition, Bush confirmed that the written job description did not accurately reflect his actual job duties. Specifically, when asked about the descriptionâs statement that candidates needed to be able to lift up to ten pounds, Bush stated that he âwas lifting and moving quite a lot more than that.â Bush confirmed that he was required to move cases of meat and fifty-pound bags of potatoes and sugar. Moreover, Bush stated he was lifting heavy weights âfor quite a bit of my employmentâ because he would have to assume the duties of less senior cooks when they did not show up for work. When asked if lifting heavy weights âwas essentialâ to his job, Bush responded âYes. Yes.â
Thus, because Compass could not accommodate Bushâs disability to meet the actual essential function of his job, the ADA did not protect his job.
A written job description is only one of seven factors courts consider in determining whether that function is essential to the job:
The employerâs judgment as to which functions are essential;
Written job descriptions prepared before advertising or interviewing applicants for the job;
The amount of time spent on the job performing the function;
The consequences of not requiring the incumbent to perform the function;
The terms of a collective bargaining agreement;
The experience of past incumbents in the job; or
The current work experience of incumbents in similar jobs.
Thus, written job descriptions are important, but are not dispositive of a jobâs essential functions. Just because you list a function as âessentialâ doesnât mean a court has to take your word for it. If the other six factors show otherwise, then they will carry the day, and not the written job description.
Please do not, however, mis-assume that you should not have written job descriptions. To the contrary, you should have written job descriptions for each position in your organization. They not only help establish reasonable expectations for what you expect from your employees in a position, but it also help set a baseline for what you do, or do not, have to reasonably accommodate. You must provide a reasonable accommodation to enable a disabled employee to perform the essential functions of a job; you do not, however, have to accommodate the non-essential functions. The point is that a job description is only part of the story of whether a job functions is essential; it is rarely ever the whole story.
Jon Hyman is a partner at Meyers, Roman, Friedberg & Lewis in Cleveland. To comment, email editors@workforce.com. Follow Hymanâs blog at Workforce.com/PracticalEmployer.
America remains the only industrialized nation that doesnât mandate some level of paid maternity and/or family leave for employees. Meanwhile, while the FMLA provides 12 weeks of unpaid leave, many will tell you that benefit is woefully inadequate for employees. Indeed, more than 40 percent of employees are not covered by the FMLA and are not eligible to take FMLA leave.
85 percent say that workers should receive paid leave for their own serious health conditions
82 percent say that mothers should receive paid leave following the birth or adoption of a child
69 percent say that fathers should receive paid leave following the birth or adoption of a child (notice the disparity, and what this says about our deeply held stereotypes over the roles of mothers versus fathers in the family and in the workplace)
67 percent say that workers should receive paid leave to care for a family member with a serious health conditions
Yet, despite the call for paid leave, only the smallest of majorities (51 percent) believe it should be a government mandate, with the remainder holding that it should be up to each employer to provide it as a benefit. And, when asked to rank public policy priorities for 2017, paid family leave came in dead last at 35 percent.
Meanwhile, another survey suggests that most employees (60 percent) value flexible work schedules more than any other benefit, and the ability to work from home or set oneâs own schedule (65 percent) more than how much one earns. Why do I mention these statistics? Because it is clear that workers need and value flexibility, and if you are not going to offer paid leave to accommodate these needs, then you should be considering flexible work schedules and telework as an option for those for whom it makes sense.
âEmployees arenât productive at home,â you say. SHRM begs to differ, reporting, âTelecommuters log five to seven more hours per week than non-telecommuters, often working even when theyâre sick or on vacation.â
What does all this mean? Paid leave and telecommuting are tangible benefits that promote work-life balance. If employees value these benefits as highly as these surveys suggest, why arenât you offering them to your employees?
Jon Hyman is a partner at Meyers, Roman, Friedberg & Lewis in Cleveland. To comment, email editors@workforce.com. Follow Hymanâs blog at Workforce.com/PracticalEmployer.
I recently gave two different speeches discussing the balance between an employeeâs privacy and an employerâs right to know. One of the themes is that social media has irreparably blurred the line between oneâs personal persona and oneâs professional persona, and employees best be careful with that they say online, because employers are watching and holding them accountable.
Buker concerns a fire department battalion chief fired because of series of posts (his spelling, not mine) to his personal Facebook page.
My aide had an outstanding idea . . lets all kill someone with a liberal . . . then maybe we can get them outlawed too! Think of the satisfaction of beating a liberal to death with another liberal . . . its almost poetic . . .
and
To prevent future butthurt and comply with a directive from my supervisor, a recent post (meant entirley in jest) has been deleted. So has the complaining party. If I offend you, feel free to delete me. Or converse with me. Iâm not scared or ashamed of my opinions or political leaning, or religion. Iâm happy to discuss any 8 of them with you. If youâre not man enough to do so, let me know, so I can delete you. That is all. Semper Fi! Carry On.
and
Unfortunately, not in the current political climate. Howard County, Maryland, and the Federal Government are all Liberal Democrat held at this point in time. Free speech only applies to the liberals, and then only if it is in line with the liberal socialist agenda. County Governement recently published a Social media policy, which the Department then published itâs own. It is suitably vague enough that any post is likely to result in disciplinary action, up to and including termination of employment, to include this one. All it took was one liberal to complain . . . sad day. To lose the First Ammendment rights I fought to ensure, unlike the WIDE majority of the Government I serve.
Additionally, Buker âlikedâ a photo, posted by a co-worker, of an elderly woman with her middle finger raised, captioned: âTHIS PAGE, YEAH THE ONE YOUâRE LOOKING AT ITâS MINE[.] IâLL POST WHATEVER THE FUCK I WANT[.]â
He also âlikedâ a racist comment by a co-worker to his âbeating a liberal to deathâ post, which suggested that Buker âpick a black one.â
Based on the totality of these posts, the department fired Buker.
The court had little problem affirming the lower courtâs decision dismissing Bukerâs claims.
For several reasons, we conclude that the Departmentâs interest in efficiency and preventing disruption outweighed Plaintiffâs interest in speaking in the manner he did regarding gun control and the Departmentâs social media policy. First, Plaintiffâs Facebook activity interfered with and impaired Department operations and discipline as well as working relationships within the Department. âŚÂ Second, Plaintiffâs Facebook activity significantly conflicted with Plaintiffâs responsibilities as a battalion chief. ⌠Third, Plaintiffâs speech frustrated the Departmentâs public safety mission and threatened âcommunity trustâ in the Department, which is âvitally importantâ to its function. ⌠Fourth, Plaintiffâs speechâparticularly his âlikeâ of the image depicting a woman raising her middle fingerââexpressly disrespect[ed] [his] superiors.â Lastly, we observe that the record is rife with observations of how Plaintiffâs Facebook activity ⌠disregarded and upset the chain of command upon which the Department relies.
In sum, we conclude the Departmentâs interest in workplace efficiency and preventing disruption outweighed the public interest commentary contained in Plaintiffâs Facebook activity.
Let me put it a more practical way. Employees have not yet realized that anything they say online can impact their professional persona, and that every negative or offensive statement could lead to discipline or termination. Until people fully understand that social media has erased the line between the personal and the professional, these issues will continue to arise. It is our job as employers to help educate our employees about living in this new online world, because it is clear that not all employees have yet learned this lesson.
Jon Hyman is a partner at Meyers, Roman, Friedberg & Lewis in Cleveland. To comment, email editors@workforce.com. Follow Hymanâs blog at Workforce.com/PracticalEmployer.
In AT&T Mobility v. Concepcion, the United States Supreme Court held that a business could compel a group of individuals to waive their right to file a class-action lawsuit and instead arbitrate their collective dispute. Employers rejoiced, believing that they finally had the weapon they needed to battle the scourge of wage-and-hour class actions.Â
The National Labor Relations Board, however, had different ideas.
In its seminal 2012 decision, D.R. Horton Inc., the NLRB held that an arbitration agreement violated the National Labor Relations Actâs protections for employee concerted activity. The facts are pretty straightforward. The employer required all of its employees, as a condition of their employment, to sign a master arbitration agreement, under which they agreed:
To submit all disputes and claims relating to their employment to final and binding arbitration.
That the arbitrator âmay hear only ⌠individual claims,â and âdoes not have authority to fashion a proceeding as a class or collective action or to award relief to a group or class of employees in one arbitration proceeding.â
To waive âthe right to file a lawsuit or other civil proceeding relating to ⌠employment with the Company.â
The NLRB concluded that the agreement âunlawfully restricts employeesâ Section 7 right to engage in concerted action for mutual aid or protection,â and held that the employer âviolated Section 8(a)(1) by requiring employees to waive their right to collectively pursue employment-related claims in all forums, arbitral and judicial.â
In the four years since they decided D.R. Horton, the NLRB has invalidated too many similar arbitration agreements and class-action waivers to count, and further expanded D.R. Horton to make it nearly impossible for any class-action waiver to pass muster. The board has even gone so far as to invalidate agreements that expressly carve out the right for employees to pursue claims with state and federal administrative agencies such as the NLRB.
In the boardâs opinion, even those agreements are illegal because rank-and-file employees arenât lawyers and arenât capable of reading and understanding the agreement: âViewed from an employeeâs perspective ⌠it would take âspecialized legal knowledgeâ to determine whether employeesâ right to file Board charges is permitted or precluded by these caveats.â
On appeal, however, not all federal circuit courts have been kind to D.R. Horton. The 5th Circuit overturned D.R. Horton itself, while other circuits have sided with the NLRB on this important issue.
Now, however, the Supreme Court is poised to have the final say. It has agreed to hear the appeal of three cases, which should put this issue to bed once and for all.
In NLRB v. Murphy Oil USA (5th Cir., holding that the âcorporation did not commit unfair labor practices by requiring employees to sign its arbitration agreement or seeking to enforce that agreement in federal district court.â); Lewis v. Epic Systems (7th Cir., holding that an arbitration agreement that âprecludes employees from seeking any class, collective, or representative remedies to wage-and-hour disputesâ violates the NLRA); and Morris v. Ernst & Young LLP (9th Cir., agreeing with Lewis, holding that âan employer violates the National Labor Relations Act by requiring employees to sign an agreement precluding them from bringing, in any forum, a concerted legal claim regarding wages, hours, and terms and conditions of employment.â), the justices agreed to decide whether agreements to require employees to forgo class actions or collective proceedings, and instead resolve employment disputes via individual arbitration, violate the NLRA.
How the Supreme Court decides this issue is of critical importance to employers. Wage-and-hour class actions are one of the biggest risks that employers face.
The law that governs the payment of minimum wage and overtime in the country, the Fair Labor Standards Act, is more than 70 years old. It shows every bit of its age.
Over time itâs been amended again and again, with regulation upon regulation piled on. What we are left with is an anachronistic maze of rules and regulations in which one would need a Ph.D. in FLSA (if such a thing existed) just to make sense of it all.
Since most employers are experts in running their businesses but not necessarily experts in the ins and outs of the intricacies of the Fair Labor Standards Act, they are fighting a compliance battle they cannot hope to win. And the prize for noncompliance is the cost of defending a class-action lawsuit.
Employers desperately need the Supreme Court to overturn D.R. Horton so that they can recapture a key weapon against the wage-and-hour class actions.
Jon Hyman is a partner at Meyers, Roman, Friedberg & Lewis in Cleveland. To comment, email editors@workforce.com. Follow Hymanâs blog at Workforce.com/PracticalEmployer.
âJon, you write a management-side blog. Why are you running a contest to find the worst employer of 2017?â
Because of employers like this one (via Courthouse News):
Plaintiff was diagnosed with kidney cancer and required immediate surgery to remove the tumor. Defendant Slutskaya denied his request for a 10-day leave of absence and told plaintiff she doesnât âneed people with cancer working in her officeâ and further stated, âthis is America and in America you have to work even if youâre sick.â After berating him because of his illness, she finished by informing him that âwith your illness [cancer], people die and I cannot keep you as a worker not knowing what is going to happen to you.â
Using the worst employers to teach those who are better intentioned regarding the correct (and legal) way to manage employees is an invaluable tool. I have a strong suspicion that this employer will have a strong showing when we sort out the worst from the really worst at yearâs end.
Jon Hyman is a partner at Meyers, Roman, Friedberg & Lewis in Cleveland. Comment below or email editors@workforce.com. Follow Hymanâs blog at Workforce.com/PracticalEmployer.
Yesterday, however, in NLRB v. SW General, Inc. [pdf], the Supreme Court held that Mr. Solomonâs tenure from January 5, 2011, through October 29, 2013, was unlawful, as it violated the Federal Vacancies Reform Act of 1998 (FVRA).
What is the FVRA (besides a statute I had never heard of until yesterday)? It provides the succession plan for certain federal appointments (such as NLRB general counsel), and authorizes the President to override its automatic succession via temporary appointments (as President Obama did when he appointed Mr. Solomon acting general counsel). The FVRA also prohibits someone from serving as an acting officer if the President has nominated that person to fill the vacant office permanently (as President Obama did with Mr. Solomon on January 5, 2011).
The specific question SCOTUS answered in SW General is whether the FVRA equally applies to individuals already serving in that same position (as Mr. Solomon had been since June 2010) at the time of his or her official nomination to fill the vacancy permanently. SCOTUS held that the FVRAâs prohibition applied to Mr. Solomon even though he had already been serving as NLRB acting general counsel at the time of his nomination.
This is all very interesting reading on the inner workings of our federal government, and the power, ability, and willingness of the Supreme Court to check presidential powers (a very important issue about which I predict we will be hearing a lot over the next four years).
The deeper question, however, is what this case means to decisions rendered by the NLRB on complaints authorized by Mr. Solomon during his unlawful tenure as NLRB general counsel. The answer is likely very little. And the key to why it means very little hides in footnote 2 of the opinion:
The FVRA exempts âthe General Counsel of the National Labor Relations Boardâ from the general rule that actions taken in violation of the FVRA are void ab initio. 5 U. S. C. §3348(e)(1). The Court of Appeals âassume[d] that section 3348(e)(1) renders the actions of an improperly serving Acting General Counsel voidableâ and rejected the Boardâs argument against voiding Solomonâs actions. The Board did not seek certiorari on this issue, so we do not consider it.
In other words, because the NLRB did not appeal the void-versus-voidable issue, SCOTUS did not consider it. And this distinction is huge. If the actions of an improperly serving Acting General Counsel are void, then all Board decisions that flowed from those actions automatically become invalid. Because, however, they are merely voidable, the losing party must do something (i.e., file some sort of court action to vacate the decision) to secure the undoing of the otherwise unlawfully rendered decision. And, because these cases are up to six years old, many, if not most, are going to be closed, and statutes of limitations will foreclose any further action. (Iâll leave to others who have more free time on their hands than me to categorize the voidable cases as âclosedâ or âsubject to further actionâ.)
Thus, while SW General is intellectually interesting, it will likely have little impact on President Obamaâs NLRB legacy, a legacy that President Trumpâs NLRB will likely undo over the next four years anyway.
Jon Hyman is a partner at Meyers, Roman, Friedberg & Lewis in Cleveland. To comment, email editors@workforce.com. Follow Hymanâs blog at Workforce.com/PracticalEmployer.
The EEOC last June issued a comprehensive, bipartisan report on harassment in the workplace. The reportâs stated purpose was to âreboot workplace harassment prevention effortsâ by focusing on efforts employers can take âin designing effective anti-harassment policies; developing training curricula; implementing complaint, reporting, and investigation procedures; creating an organizational culture in which harassment is not tolerated; ensuring employees are held accountable; and assessing and responding to workplace ârisk factorsâ for harassment.â
One such tool the EEOC provided was a series of four checklist for employers to use to create an effective harassment prevention program.
Leadership and accountability.
Anti-harassment policies.
Harassment reporting systems and investigations.
Compliance training.
At last weekâs SHRM Legislative Conference, EEOC Commissioner, and one of the co-chairs of the EEOC Select Task Force on the Study of Harassment in the Workplace, Chai Feldblum, reiterated the importance and usefulness of these checklists. Because the EEOC feels so strongly about the utility of these lists for employers, Iâm sharing them in full.
Checklist One: Leadership and Accountability
The first step for creating a holistic harassment prevention program is for the leadership of an organization to establish a culture of respect in which harassment is not tolerated. Check the box if the leadership of your organization has taken the following steps:
Leadership has allocated sufficient resources for a harassment prevention effort
Leadership has allocated sufficient staff time for a harassment prevention effort
Leadership has assessed harassment risk factors and has taken steps to minimize those risks
Based on the commitment of leadership, check the box if your organization has the following components in place:
A harassment prevention policy that is easy-to-understand and that is regularly communicated to all employees
A harassment reporting system that employees know about and is fully resourced and which accepts reports of harassment experienced and harassment observed
Imposition of discipline that is prompt, consistent, and proportionate to the severity of the harassment, if harassment is determined to have occurred
Accountability for mid-level managers and front-line supervisors to prevent and/or respond to workplace harassment
Regular compliance trainings for all employees so they can recognize prohibited forms of conduct and know how to use the reporting system
Regular compliance trainings for mid-level managers and front-line supervisors so they know how to prevent and/or respond to workplace harassment
Bonus points if you can check these boxes:
The organization conducts climate surveys on a regular basis to assess the extent to which harassment is experienced as a problem in the workplace
The organization has implemented metrics for harassment response and prevention in supervisory employeesâ performance reviews
The organization conducts workplace civility training and bystander intervention training
The organization has partnered with researchers to evaluate the organizationâs holistic workplace harassment prevention effort
Checklist Two: An Anti-Harassment Policy An anti-harassment policy is a key component of a holistic harassment prevention effort. Check the box below if your anti-harassment policy contains the following elements:
An unequivocal statement that harassment based on any protected characteristic will not be tolerated
An easy-to-understand description of prohibited conduct, including examples
A description of a reporting system – available to employees who experience harassment as well as those who observe harassment – that provides multiple avenues to report, in a manner easily accessible to employees
A statement that the reporting system will provide a prompt, thorough, and impartial investigation
A statement that the identity of an individual who submits a report, a witness who provides information regarding a report, and the target of the complaint, will be kept confidential to the extent possible consistent with a thorough and impartial investigation
A statement that any information gathered as part of an investigation will be kept confidential to the extent possible consistent with a thorough and impartial investigation
An assurance that the employer will take immediate and proportionate corrective action if it determines that harassment has occurred
An assurance that an individual who submits a report (either of harassment experienced or observed) or a witness who provides information regarding a report will be protected from retaliation from co-workers and supervisors
A statement that any employee who retaliates against any individual who submits a report or provides information regarding a report will be disciplined appropriately
Is written in clear, simple words, in all languages commonly used by members of the workforce
Checklist Three: A Harassment Reporting System and Investigations
A reporting system that allows employees to file a report of harassment they have experienced or observed, and a process for undertaking investigations, are essential components of a holistic harassment prevention effort. Check the box below if your anti-harassment effort contains the following elements:
A fully-resourced reporting process that allows the organization to respond promptly and thoroughly to reports of harassment that have been experienced or observed
Employer representatives who take reports seriously
A supportive environment where individuals feel safe to report harassing behavior to management
Well-trained, objective, and neutral investigators
Timely responses and investigations
Investigators who document all steps taken from the point of first contact and who prepare a written report using guidelines to weigh credibility
An investigation that protects the privacy of individuals who file complaints or reports, individuals who provide information during the investigation, and the person(s) alleged to have engaged in harassment, to the greatest extent possible
Mechanisms to determine whether individuals who file reports or provide information during an investigation experience retribution, and authority to impose sanctions on those who engage in retaliation
During the pendency of an investigation, systems to ensure individuals alleged to have engaged in harassment are not âpresumed guiltyâ and are not âpunishedâ unless and until a complete investigation determines that harassment has occurred
A communication of the determination of the investigation to all parties and, where appropriate, a communication of the sanction imposed if harassment was found to have occurred
Checklist Four: Compliance Training
A holistic harassment prevention effort provides training to employees regarding an employerâs policy, reporting systems and investigations. Check the box if your organizationâs compliance training is based on the following structural principles and includes the following content:
Structural Principles
Supported at the highest levels
Repeated and reinforced on a regular basis
Provided to all employees at every level of the organization
Conducted by qualified, live, and interactive trainers
If live training is not feasible, designed to include active engagement by participants
Routinely evaluated and modified as necessary
Content of Compliance Training for All Employees
Describes illegal harassment, and conduct that, if left unchecked, might rise to the level of illegal harassment
Includes examples that are tailored to the specific workplace and the specific workforce
Educates employees about their rights and responsibilities if they experience conduct that is not acceptable in the workplace
Describes, in simple terms, the process for reporting harassment that is experienced or observed
Explains the consequences of engaging in conduct unacceptable in the workplace
Content of Compliance Training for Managers and First-line Supervisors
Provides easy-to-understand and realistic methods for dealing with harassment that they observe, that is reported to them, or of which they have knowledge or information, including description of sanctions for failing to use such methods
Provides clear instructions on how to report harassing behavior up the chain of command, including description of sanctions for failing to report
Encourages managers and supervisors to practice âsituational awarenessâ and assess the workforces within their responsibility for risk factors of harassment
As the EEOC reiterates in its report, the checklists are âmeant to be a useful tool in thinking about and taking steps to prevent harassment in the workplace, and responding to harassment when it occurs. ⌠Checking all of the boxes does not necessarily mean an employer is in legal compliance; conversely, the failure to check any particular box does not mean an employer is not in compliance.â While checking the boxes may not equal legal compliance, it provides a great tool to talk about legal compliance among HR, managers, supervisors, legal and ownership/C-suite, and you cannot bring your organization into compliance without these important conversations.
Jon Hyman is a partner at Meyers, Roman, Friedberg & Lewis in Cleveland. To comment, email editors@workforce.com. Follow Hymanâs blog at Workforce.com/PracticalEmployer.