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Posted on September 5, 2008June 27, 2018

San Francisco Clarifies Health Care Spending Rules

San Francisco regulators have provided further guidance on how to comply with a controversial ordinance that imposes a health care spending requirement on employers.


The latest guidance, which was issued in response to questions from employers, clarifies how much employees must earn in order for them to qualify as exempt employees, for whom employers do not have to make the required contributions.


Under the law, which was passed in 2006, employers with at least 100 employees must make in 2008 a health care contribution of $1.76 per hour per covered employee, while employers with 20 to 99 employees must make a contribution of $1.17 per hour per covered employee. Employers with fewer than 20 employees are excluded from the spending mandate.


The law, which went into effect earlier this year pending the outcome of a challenge in the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, gives employers a choice of several options—such as payment of group health insurance premiums or contributions to employees’ health savings accounts—to satisfy the spending contribution requirement.


The spending requirement, though, does not apply to several categories of exempt employees, including those managers and supervisors earning more than $76,851 in 2008.


In the latest guidance, San Francisco regulators said the $76,851 figure refers to individuals’ base salary and that bonuses and overtime should be excluded in determining whether the employee has hit the cutoff.


Additionally, regulators say the $76,851 annual earnings figure applies not only to compensation actually earned, but also to entitled salary.


For example, an employee hired as a manager in December and who has a base annual salary of $120,000 would be excluded in employer calculations even though the individual would have earned only $10,000 for that employer in 2008.

Filed by Jerry Geisel of Business Insurance, a sister publication of Workforce Management. To comment, e-mail editors@workforcecom.


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Posted on September 5, 2008June 27, 2018

Workplace Violence Continues Downward Trend, Researcher Says

Workplace homicides and assaults are continuing a downward trend, according to NCCI Holdings Inc., a provider of workers’ compensation and injury data.


Homicides dropped 25 percent between 2000 and 2006 and are down 61 percent since 1992, Boca Raton, Florida-based NCCI said.


Workplace assaults have been more volatile on a year-to-year basis. Assaults that resulted in injuries causing lost time from work declined 18 percent in 2005 but increased 10 percent in 2006. But for 1999 through 2006, the assaults declined at an annual average rate of 0.6 percent, NCCI said.


Crime-related claims have higher medical and indemnity severity than other claims because injuries stemming from crime tend to be more serious, NCCI said.


Robberies are connected with 70 percent of workplace homicides, with victims tending to work primarily in jobs that involve direct customer contact and easy access to valuables such as cash.


Filed by Roberto Ceniceros of Business Insurance, a sister publication of Workforce Management. To comment, e-mail editors@workforce.com.


Workforce Management’s online news feed is now available via Twitter.

Posted on September 5, 2008August 3, 2023

Senate Could Act Quickly on Expanded ADA

When Congress returns from its summer break next week, it will enter the home stretch of the legislative year.

One bill that could find itself on the Senate fast track would expand protection against workplace discrimination for people with disabilities.
The measure, which passed the House 402-17 in late June, clarifies that Congress meant for the Americans with Disabilities Act to be broadly interpreted. The original measure, which became law in the early 1990s, required employers to make accommodations for disabled employees.

The new bill, the ADA Amendments Act, addresses Supreme Court decisions that critics say restricted the law. The court ruled in several cases that mitigating measures—such as medication or a prosthesis—make a person ineligible for coverage.

In an unusual show of cooperation, disability advocates and the business lobby compromised on the final bill, ensuring broad House support.


The Senate measure has 64 co-sponsors, four more than necessary to avoid a filibuster. The bipartisan momentum may prompt Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nevada, to schedule a vote as early as this week.

“Reid is looking for a short list of doables,” says Mike Aitken, director of government relations for the Society for Human Resource Management, one of the groups backing the bill. “They’re going to bring up things that there is broad consensus on.”

Both the House and Senate versions reiterate that the definition of a disability is a physical or mental impairment that “substantially limits” one or more major life activities. They also increase the number of activities covered, add a category of bodily functions and allow workers to sue if they are “regarded as” disabled.

The House bill defines “substantially limits” as “materially restricts.” In an effort to garner more support, the Senate avoids such sharpening of the language.

“Instead, the bill takes several specific and general steps that, individually and in combination, direct courts toward a more generous meaning and application of the definition,” Sen. Tom Harkin, D-Iowa, said in a Congressional Record statement.

Differences between the House and Senate bills won’t slow down the measure, says Dan Yager, senior vice president and general counsel of the HR Policy Association.

“Our hope is that they could get something off to the president fairly quickly,” Yager says.

The lack of a specific definition of “substantially limits” in the Senate measure, however, could require courts to step in again.

“At the center of the continuum, the question [of who is disabled] is probably straightforward,” says Neil Abramson, a partner at the law firm Proskauer Rose in New York.
 
“At the margins, it’s more difficult. That will probably generate, at least in the beginning, litigation,” he says.

HR departments will have to be fastidious about ensuring that language in employee files pertains only to performance so that it doesn’t become fodder for disability lawsuits.

“It’s going to require a fairly diligent HR function,” Abramson says. “The nuances are fairly complicated and will be fairly significant as this plays out.”


—Mark Schoeff Jr.


Workforce Management’s online news feed is now available via Twitter


 

Posted on September 5, 2008June 27, 2018

Tripped Up

When times are good and sales are rolling in, it’s easy to ignore top performers’ spending habits, even when they exceed a company’s travel and expense policies. After all, it takes money to make money, right?


    But when times get tough and sales dry up, companies rein in their rainmakers. During the latest economic downturn, some have beat the higher costs of doing business by asking sales reps set up online meetings instead of flying to see clients in person.


    Other companies are opting to keep their road warriors on the road, but are making them stick to stated travel and entertainment expense policies. More are using Web-based software to make sure they do, says Christa Degnan Manning, an analyst with Boston-based AMR Research, a technology market researcher.


    Besides curbing spending, T&E software lets a company match what’s being spent with what’s coming in, data they can use to determine what’s working and what isn’t.


    “So if you have only so much in a travel budget because of the economy, you can decide where to use it versus using alternatives” like online meetings, Manning says.


    Traditional ERP vendors such as Oracle and SAP offer T&E modules. But more companies are opting to use online, subscription-based software from companies such as Infor, Concur and Workday, Manning says.


    Infor offers T&E modules for pre-trip authorizations, expense reports, payment requests and time sheets. Financial services company Raymond James reduced its reporting and reimbursement cycle by half using Infor’s T&E service, according to an Infor report. At pharmaceutical maker AstraZeneca, another Infor customer, the number of outstanding expense reports more than 45 days old dropped from 7,977 to 1,000 after the company started using Infor’s T&E service.


    The more companies watch their travel expenses, the more Web-based T&E software vendors have profited. Concur, a publicly traded Seattle company, saw revenue in the quarter ended June 30 jump 65 percent, to $54.9 million, on a big bump in T&E software subscriptions, the company reports. In July, American Express paid $251 million for a 13 percent stake in the company. Concur will use the money to expand its current base of 7,000 customers, according to a release issued at the time of the investment.


    The latest version of Workday’s Web-based ERP suite represents a breakthrough of sorts because unlike stand-alone programs, its T&E software is integrated into the rest of its offerings. “There are huge benefits of having all of that with just one user interface and one system,” Manning says.

Posted on September 4, 2008June 27, 2018

Recruiting in the World of ICE

R ecruiters, hiring managers and corporate executives who still believe they operate in the relatively benign environment of the business place must have missed reports on the latest wave of workplace raids and arrests carried out by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

The raids are no longer isolated events in marginal sectors. Instead, enforcement actions by ICE are growing more draconian by the day and now engulf whole industries.


Workers are being pulled off factory floors and put into detention centers. Employees are turning evidence against supervisors and executives, some of whom are going to jail. Sourcing is fraught with new liabilities. Even employee referral programs, once the bright light for effective recruiting, are sullied by new concerns about the risk of prosecution.


Arresting lower-level employees and flipping them to produce evidence against recruiters, managers and executives is now a standard ICE practice, according to one expert.


“No one has a greater exposure to criminal prosecution than recruiters when employees have been sweatboxed by the government,” says Robert Loughran, managing shareholder and immigration law specialist at Tindall & Foster in Houston and Austin, Texas. “The government is making the case that recruiters are conspirators in hiring unauthorized workers.”


Corporate recruiting policies and practices developed as part of a sound business model are increasingly distorted by the fear of failing to comply with immigration regulations that change daily. With immigration law splintered into a thousand federal, state and local regulations and enforcement sweeps stirring up anti-immigrant sentiment, recruiters and human resources professionals are caught in a level of ugliness rarely seen in workplace relations.


The new criminalization
   The latest ICE raid in a spate of major summer sweeps occurred August 25 in Laurel, Mississippi. Special agents executed criminal and civil search warrants at Howard Industries Inc., an electric transformer manufacturing facility, and arrested 595 workers suspected of being illegal.


One employee arrested in the Howard Industries sweep said fellow workers applauded as the alleged illegal immigrants were taken into custody, according to an Associated Press report, which also noted that a tip from an employee prompted the ICE investigation.


From October 2007 to July 2008, ICE made 937 criminal arrests in workplace investigations, including 99 arrests of owners, hiring managers, supervisors and human resources employees who now face charges ranging from harboring to knowingly hiring undocumented workers.


ICE also made more than 3,500 administrative arrests for immigration violations. When the federal fiscal year ends in October, ICE will likely top the new record for arrests set in fiscal year 2007, which represented a 45-fold increase in work-site arrests compared with 2001.


“We now see disgruntled employees or disgruntled contract workers from staffing agencies or competitor companies going to the ICE to bring to its attention any sign of unauthorized workers at a company,” Loughran says. “The government opens a file and the investigation begins.”


Created in March 2003 in the wake of September 11 fears, ICE is the largest investigative branch of the Department of Homeland Security. The agency combines the law enforcement arms of the former Immigration and Naturalization Service and the former U.S. Customs Service.


“When the Department of Homeland Security was reorganized and the ICE was formed, the legacy staff for the ICE was customs agency staff,” Loughran notes.


ICE has a different personality and experience level because of it. It takes the customs enforcement experience of its staff and applies it to immigration, he says.


“Customs agents are trained for drug interdiction and money-laundering arrests,” Loughran says. “They shake the small guy, provide incentives and, in the case of illegal aliens, threaten immediate detention or deportation. In the case of U.S. citizens who may be implicated, they offer a plea-bargain deal. People roll over.”


According to Loughran, ICE can bring 20 different criminal and civil charges to bear in immigration cases.


“It is critical for recruiters and human resources executives to understand that we are no longer dealing with the fine points of law but with a bucket approach,” he says. “Now the core objective of U.S. attorneys is to throw the entire U.S. Criminal Code, including racketeering and conspiracy charges, at recruiters, managers and corporate executives.”


ICE is looking for the biggest media bang possible, Loughran says.


“When a tip comes in from a confidential informant—for example, a disgruntled employee or a competitor—the ICE investigates and schedules a raid. The ICE press releases for the raids are prewritten. Another press release goes out a few months after the raid when the company executives are indicted, and then another when sentences and fines are handed down.”


Distorted policies
   Employee referral programs are the next target, Loughran warns.


“ICE enforcement agents see these programs as a for-profit conspiracy to defraud the federal government and violate immigration laws, with employees and recruiters acting as knowing conspirators,” Loughran says. “The government is now looking for targets of opportunity—cases with the largest numbers of workers, vulnerable executives and large potential fines—so it may take another six to 12 months before the ICE hits referral programs.”


As ICE agents turn their attention to referral programs, a chilling effect likely will set in and employers will have to turn to alternative methods for sourcing. The ICE scrutiny has already affected relations with recruiting and staffing agencies.


“Outside vendors now form the area where the risk is highest,” Loughran notes.


Loughran points to the emergence of “the Wal-Mart standard” as an example of the impact of ICE raids on vendor relations. In 2005, Wal-Mart paid $11 million and revised its vendor policies to settle a claim that it was responsible for immigration law violations stemming from its contract with a cleaning vendor that used unauthorized workers.


Wal-Mart could have defeated the federal government’s allegations because the vendor was clearly at arm’s length. But the Bentonville, Arkansas-based retailer decided to settle—probably for public relations reasons, Loughran says. Now every vendor that works for Wal-Mart must stipulate it has completed a workforce audit and is in compliance.


“The Wal-Mart settlement is the new business-place precedent because the largest employer in the United States was intimidated into a settlement,” he says. “The biggest guy in the room got punched in the nose. Wal-Mart’s response to the ICE charges is the new de facto business standard. The federal government will point to any company that does not meet the standard as ‘indifferent’ or ‘negligent’ on the issue of employing unauthorized workers.”


The scramble to revise policies and maintain compliance is vastly complicated by the layers of federal, state and local laws now in play.


“It’s a mess because rules are constantly changing and there’s no precedent,” says Jorge Lopez, shareholder, corporate migration law group, at Littler Mendelson in Miami. “Companies and their counsel have nothing to turn to.


“Companies are trying to come up with policies that make sense. They are questioning everything they’ve done and that’s created a chilling effect on efforts to set policy. The whole essence of the business model is at stake. Companies need to recruit candidates, and employees need to be able to refer potential candidates without the risk of liability.”


Lopez notes that the effect on vendor relationships is particularly severe in the lower-wage industries.


“In the past, companies were willing to rely on provisions in the contract with the vendors,” he says. “Now, it’s been pushed forward to requiring declarations and even audit statements. There is more pushback from client companies. There’s been a trickle-down effect, and that’s exactly what ICE wants.”


The only solution for HR executives is to be vigilant, especially if the company operates in different geographies.


“Policies must be monitored on a jurisdiction-by-jurisdiction basis,” Lopez advises. “The job of the HR executive has completely changed. Now CEOs are reading about the raids and criminal prosecutions and putting pressure on their general counsel and HR executives.”


Certain businesses, especially smaller companies, may have higher risk tolerance.


“For larger companies, the real threat is in field operations where a specific individual may be operating outside company policy,” Lopez says. “HR executives must constantly conduct field checks.”


Discrimination charges
   There is a growing concern that companies may become so compliance-oriented with respect to immigration law that they risk discriminatory conduct, according to Lopez. To prevent this, HR executives must ensure that they are not being overly aggressive in their immigration compliance activities.


“Sometimes the choice has to be made between immigration compliance and potentially discriminatory conduct,” Lopez says. “Companies should err on the side of lower liability, which now means risking a discrimination charge to ensure immigration compliance. But this must be a fact-based decision grounded in the specific workforce and the business line.”


If companies have to choose which gray area they will occupy, they will go with discrimination, Lopez says.


“Five years ago, they would have risked noncompliance on immigration issues to avoid any risk of discrimination charges,” he says. “Now, the opposite is true.”


Lopez notes that there has been a drop in the availability of immigrant labor in the past year, and this drop has occurred in the context of an overall long-term labor shortage.


“Employers simply cannot find suitable candidates for their open positions,” he says. “You cannot run a business if you don’t have the resources. This was the origin of Bangalore. Employers have to have a pool of workers or send the work offshore. It’s a myth that immigration provides cheap labor. If employers could hire sufficient workers without using immigrants, they would.”


The potential for discrimination charges and the climate of fear fostered by ICE raids and new rounds of local legislation have created unprecedented burdens for recruiters and HR staff.


“HR executives have a responsibility to maintain a non-hostile workplace,” Loughran says. “It is part of the obligation to be vigilant about harassment based on race, ethnicity or national origin. The failure to do so is actionable. Nondiscrimination laws have not changed, and there are federal agencies looking for cases to prosecute.”


Loughran notes the media has fueled tension surrounding immigration.


“There are hysterical media reports about immigration and job loss even in areas where unemployment is extremely low,” he says. “And there are historical precedents for what happens when one group is vilified as taking away American jobs.”

Posted on September 4, 2008June 27, 2018

Lawyers Lose Jobs … and Wall Street Is to Blame

Lawyers are following bankers, as usual—right out the door.


In the wake of massive layoffs on Wall Street, law firms have been quietly letting go of staffers whose services are no longer needed now that financial deals have dried up. The targeted layoffs that began late last year have turned into a torrent that will likely continue into 2009.


As many as 200 New York-based attorneys from a dozen of the country’s top law firms have lost their jobs in the past year. An even higher number of paralegals, secretaries and other support personnel have also been axed. Some firms are postponing the start dates of new associates in an effort to save money, since their salaries average about $160,000.


“This has not been a great year for law firms,” said Aniello Bianco, senior vice president at legal consulting firm Hildebrandt International. “When you have people who are not busy and you don’t anticipate them becoming busy, law firms have to trim.”


Law firms’ Manhattan offices are feeling a disproportionate impact because of the Wall Street-heavy origins of this economic slowdown.


Last month, for example, Manhattan-based Fried Frank Harris Shriver & Jacobson laid off about 60 administrative employees, or nearly 10 percent of its staff.


London-based Clifford Chance jump-started the layoffs in November when it cut a handful of its New York structured-finance associates. A few weeks later, Manhattan-based Thacher Proffitt & Wood announced it was laying off 24 local associates from the same group.


Manhattan’s Cadwalader Wickersham & Taft let go of 35 lawyers at the beginning of the year and eliminated dozens more over the following few months, ultimately shedding 131 of its 720 attorneys. Thelen Reid Brown Raysman & Steiner followed suit, dropping 26 associates and 85 staffers. The New York office was hit the hardest because it housed much of the firm’s litigation, construction and finance practices.


Some firms are delaying new hires’ start dates in order to save money on salaries. WolfBlock told its incoming class of associates that instead of starting this week, they should report for work in November. To discourage them from seeking employment elsewhere, the firm is paying them a modest stipend of $2,500 per month.


The magnitude of the economic slowdown caught many firms’ managing partners by surprise.


“We just didn’t anticipate that things would spiral down to the extent that they have,” said Frank Burch, joint chief executive of DLA Piper.


“I don’t think you’re going to see a lot of aggressive expansion of legal professionals anytime in the near future,” he added, “though there will be a small number of smart firms that will get the timing right.”


To that end, firms whose success is not tied to high finance are cherry-picking talent that competitors are losing. Burch, for one, just hired eight partners away from Thelen Reid last week, including the real estate department chair.


“New York is the most competitive legal market in the world,” said Jack Zaremski, president of legal recruiting firm Hanover Legal. “For a law firm, either you’re swimming well or you’re sinking.”


There are job opportunities for laid-off attorneys willing to relocate, said Margie Grossberg, a partner at legal staffing firm Major Lindsey & Africa and co-leader of the firm’s associate practice.


“If people are willing to go to other cities, plenty of law firms are happy to talk to lawyers with New York ‘Big Law’ experience,” she said.


Attorney Eric Storz was among the lucky ones.


One of the batch of first-year associates laid off from Thelen Reid in March, the former CPA spent four months job hunting, eventually landing a job at the New York office of Sullivan & Worcester. The midsize Boston firm was not battered by the credit crisis.


When Storz first started looking several months ago, the landscape seemed bleak.


“I was able to garner interviews because I had past experience as a CPA,” he said. “But I’ve heard other people have had a harder time.”


Filed by Hilary Potkewitz of Crain’s New York Business, a sister publication of Workforce Management. To comment, e-mail editors@workforce.com.


Workforce Management’s online news feed is now available via Twitter.

Posted on September 4, 2008June 27, 2018

Labor Makes Push, but Business Groups Look to Check Card-Check Legislation

Several groups attending the Republican National Convention in St. Paul, Minnesota, this week have serious concerns about elections—but not the presidential kind.


The groups are worried about the controversial card-check legislation pending in Congress. The proposal would give unions the ability to organize at a company simply by having workers sign a card rather than voting in a secret ballot.


Many Republican leaders worry that a Barack Obama victory in November will lead to passage of the bill. Obama supports the bill; his opponent, Republican John McCain, does not.


The card-check proposal stokes passions on both sides of the political divide. Unions say their organizing efforts are often hamstrung by aggressive anti-union efforts by companies, including worker intimidation. Corporations say unions use the card-check method to make employees offers they can’t refuse—and do it while off company premises.


Andy Stern, president of the Service Employees International Union, said in an interview with Financial Week, a sister publication of Workforce Management, that business attacks against the bill have twisted reality, making the method seem undemocratic.


“It’s amazing that American corporations are now the defenders of democracy in the United States,” Stern said, “even though they are the supporters of communism in China.”


The Employee Free Choice Act passed the House in March 2007 by a margin of nearly 60 votes, but was later held up by a threatened filibuster in the Senate. Democrats failed to secure the 60 votes necessary to block the filibuster, but they did get Sen. Arlen Specter, R-Pennsylvania, to side with them in the 51-48 vote. Business groups now worry that if Democrats pick up several more seats in the Senate, they will have enough votes to pass the card-check legislation.


As it stands, groups like the National Association of Manufacturers—which staunchly opposes card-check certification—view the House as the best battleground to stymie the bill. And they say they are making inroads.


Some House Democrats “say they’ve seen the light,” said Jay Timmons, executive vice president at the association. “There was some buyer’s remorse among some members.”


One concern, Timmons said, is that lawmakers might face a backlash from constituents if workers feel threatened by union members looking to corral votes outside of a secret election.


“It’s simply undemocratic,” he said.


Stern disputes the assertion, saying, “The House is very comfortable with what they passed, the candidates are very comfortable with what the bill says.”


One thing’s for sure: This election cycle is turning into a battle royal between business interests and unions.


At the SEIU’s Take Back Labor Day music festival in St. Paul on Monday, hip-hop artist Imani and Rage Against the Machine guitarist Tom Morello spoke alongside Stern, urging concert-goers to sign petitions supporting the card-check legislation.


Union officials at the festival also set up a giant banner calling for universal health care. The sign was clearly visible from the Xcel Energy Center, where the Republican convention is being held.


“Big labor is flexing its muscle,” Timmons said, referring to the reported $50 million the AFL-CIO was said to be spending to get out the vote in November. He added that businesses eager to get workers to the polls are “hobbled” by election laws that bar companies from giving workers a day off to vote or busing employees to voting locations.


Filed by Nicholas Rummell of Financial Week, a sister publication of Workforce Management. To comment, e-mail editors@workforce.com.



Workforce Management’s online news feed is now available via Twitter.

Posted on September 3, 2008June 27, 2018

Golf Club Dues, Other Exec Fringe Benefits Trimmed Way Back

A growing number of companies are finding that there’s a pretty simple way to avoid taking heat about lucrative fringe benefits dished out to top executives: Just pull the plug on perks.


Now that the Securities and Exchange Commission requires companies to disclose executive benefits valued at more than $10,000, large corporations are shedding some of the smaller—yet most frequently offered—fringe benefits provided to their top officers.


“Many companies find it easier to eliminate perquisites than to continue to try to explain why they are needed,” said Alex Cwirko-Godycki, research manager at Equilar, a compensation consulting firm.


Financial-planning and country-club fees appear to be the executive privileges that most companies are chopping from their CEO compensation packages. Only about 62 percent of Fortune 100 companies disclosed that their chief executives received some sort of financial-planning benefit last year, according to data from Equilar, down from 74 percent in 2006.


Even those companies that continued to pay for their CEO’s financial planning—which could include tax preparation services—pared down what they were willing to fork out for such services. The median value of financial-planning benefits declined 9.2 percent last year, to $15,575, according to Equilar.


While paying for club memberships was less prevalent, fewer companies are now footing such bills for their CEOs, with 26.3 percent of companies disclosing that they offered the perk in 2007, down from 28 percent in 2006.


More telling, perhaps, is how much companies are now willing to pay for these dues: The median value of club membership perks awarded to CEOs last year was $3,996, a 64 percent drop from the $11,070 in median club dues Fortune 100 companies paid to their CEOs in 2006.


Filed by Mark Bruno of Financial Week, a sister publication of Workforce Management. To comment, e-mail editors@workforce.com.



Workforce Management’s online news feed is now available via Twitter.


 

Posted on September 3, 2008June 27, 2018

Universal Health Care Promised by Democrats Initially Will Be Modest, Observers Predict

Amid the soaring rhetoric at the Democratic National Convention last week, in which presidential nominee Sen. Barack Obama, D-Illinois, promised to fight for universal health care coverage if elected, observers expect his initial health care agenda to be much more modest.


In his acceptance speech, Obama said, “Now is the time to finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible health care for every single American.”


That pledge made to a huge crowd in Denver came after the adoption of a party platform saying that Democrats are “united behind a commitment” of universal coverage.


The platform also said health care was a shared responsibility between employers, employees, insurers, providers and the government. Indeed, the platform decisively rejected a single-payer health care system, adding that employers should have incentives to offer coverage.


But, echoing what Obama already had endorsed, the platform calls for a public health care plan. Details on how such a plan would work weren’t provided, but Obama has said such a plan, funded by employers that don’t make a meaningful contribution toward their own health care plans, would be available to individuals not covered by employer plans.


Additionally and following an idea Obama has advocated, the platform backs a new federal health reinsurance program in which the government would assume liability for catastrophic health care claims, an idea that surfaced 15 years ago as part of a sweeping health care reform package then pushed by the Clinton administration.


While the promise of universal coverage makes for a good sound bite, political observers say the health care reform goals of Obama, if elected, would be much more modest, at least in his first year or two in office.


“Rhetoric is easy. Policies are much harder to implement,” said Grace-Marie Turner, president of the Galen Institute, an Alexandria, Virginia-based health policy organization.


“Don’t expect big, broad changes in the first year. Comprehensive health care reform takes time and education,” said Frank McArdle, a consultant with Hewitt Associates Inc. in Washington.


In fact, Obama and many members of Congress haven’t forgotten the last time a Democrat—Bill Clinton—was elected president and promised to quickly enact a universal health care program.


“Congress has the memory of an elephant. The experience of 1993-94 looms large,” McArdle said, referring to the collapse of the Clinton health care reform plan.


The plan’s failure was widely attributed to the political naiveté and arrogance of then-first lady Hillary Rodham Clinton, now a Democratic senator from New York. As chairwoman of the task force that put the plan together, she largely shut out key legislators in drafting the plan and in trying to build support for it. The plan overreached, largely knocking out employers and insurers in favor of regional public health care cooperatives.


Rather than quickly seeking enactment of a universal health care reform plan—a costly and difficult venture, an Obama administration’s first steps in the health care arena are likely to focus on expanding coverage through existing popular public programs.


These include the State’s Children Health Insurance Program and possible expansion of the federal Medicare program to early retirees, who often find it tough and expensive to obtain coverage in the individual market if they are not covered by their former employers.


“You may see additional options for early retirees—perhaps, some kind of Medicare buy-in,” McArdle said.


Whatever direction Obama, if elected, chooses to go in the health care reform arena, his approach in trying to get such legislation passed will be very different than that of the Clintons, especially Sen. Clinton, who excluded legislators in the drafting process and later bashed critics rather than trying to work with them.


“Politicians have learned a valuable lesson since 1993. You don’t give Congress a finished product. You don’t work behind closed doors and you don’t ignore major stakeholders,” said James Gelfand, senior health policy manager at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce in Washington.


“The Clinton way was, do it ‘our way or the highway.’ Democratic strategists know that isn’t going to work,” the Galen Institute’s Turner said.


The approach taken by an Obama administration would be to “set the policy objectives and let Congress fill in the details. As a senator, Sen. Obama has a much better sense of the normal give and take between the legislative and executive branch and that will be a plus” in drafting and trying to get legislation passed, McArdle said.


With the Clinton plan failure as a lesson, an Obama administration would be careful not to alienate key stakeholders, observers say. In fact, the Clinton plan to kick out commercial health insurers from the health care delivery system led the industry to launch an advertising campaign against the plan. Ultimately, that campaign proved extraordinarily effective in undermining public support, especially among those satisfied with their current coverage.


Obama’s aides “have learned. Don’t threaten the coverage people currently have,” Gelfand said.


Filed by Jerry Geisel of Business Insurance, a sister publication of Workforce Management. To comment, e-mail editors@workforce.com.


Workforce Management’s online news feed is now available via Twitter


Posted on September 1, 2008June 27, 2018

The ROI of Employee Training and Development

Data from APQC’s Open Standards Benchmarking Collaborative research effort on employee training and development provides evidence to suggest that organizations that invest in more training days and dollars per employee may produce greater revenue per employee than those that invest less in this important human capital process. Read a report on this research.

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