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Posted on March 7, 2007July 10, 2018

Are Your Executives Sabotaging Your Strategy

Many chief executives have learned that they must win the heads and hearts of employees to achieve their strategies. This is particularly true in companies battling unprecedented competition—onshore or offshore companies that have forced management to pursue a whole new strategy and make dramatic improvements in operating performance.


    As General Electric’s legendary ex-CEO Jack Welch puts it: “We live in a global economy. To have a fighting chance, companies need to get every employee, with every idea in their heads and every morsel of energy in their bodies, into the game.”


    But CEOs face tremendous obstacles in generating strong internal commitment to their plans. Numerous “employee engagement” polls have documented morale problems in a growing number of organizations. Yet most CEOs we know are barely surprised—and barely worried—when the middle and lower ranks of their firm aren’t fully on board. The thinking of these CEOs is that as long as their top management team is behind the plan, the next layer of management and the layer below them (and on and on) will eventually fall in line.


    This thinking is both wrong and risky. The reason: Surprisingly, even the senior management team is often not truly committed to the CEO’s strategy either. During the past five years, we have seen this situation in over a dozen large companies whose leaders asked us to help them define and implement their strategy.


    For sure, executive team members did what the CEO asked them to do. They were dutifully attempting to perform their tasks in executing the strategy. But they weren’t getting fully behind it and pulling out all the stops to make it happen. When the strategy appeared to be flawed even in the smallest of ways, executive team members either pointed them out, blamed others for not doing their share, or stayed silent and let the flaws unfold rather than go out of their way to correct them and make the strategy work.


    Many organizational strategies, even some of the most ingenious ones, fail or fall short because of weak commitment at the top. Rarely is such apathy verbalized. When it’s not, it becomes silent sabotage. In fact, it is an unspoken form of resistance of the deadliest type because the CEO typically doesn’t realize it until it’s too late. But it’s also a problem that HR executives can help the CEO to recognize and overcome.


    As we’ll explain later in this article, senior HR managers who do so can greatly boost their impact on company performance and become the CEO’s confidant.


    We’ve seen such resistance form at the top of companies numerous times. We worked with the CEO of a large manufacturing company who had launched an aggressive growth strategy targeting double-digit annual revenue and profit growth. His initiative had come after several tough years with minimal bottom-line improvement.


    The CEO told his senior executive team how committed he was to the strategy. In turn, the team members expressed their commitment to it as well. However, after several months of little progress, the CEO felt he had no choice but to intervene. He held town hall-style meetings with managers and workers to find out what was going on and communicate the strategy.


    In those meetings he learned that sales, marketing, manufacturing and other business functions were not collaborating with one another at all to make the strategy work. Managers in each function distrusted and barely talked to the managers of other functions. Each function was focused on its own success. Despite his executive team’s insistence that they were fully behind his strategy, the CEO saw that their behaviors (and the actions of the people under them) said otherwise.


    This scenario is the rule, not the exception. It helps explain the high failure rate of corporate change initiatives—60 percent by some estimates. But it doesn’t have to be this way. In the companies we know, once CEOs understood what they had to do to gain the commitment of their direct reports, in almost every case they created a senior management team whose level of commitment enabled them to overcome the inevitable flaws in the strategy. The result: In most cases they exceeded the goals they set in financial and operating improvements.


    But generating strong total commitment is something CEOs can’t do by themselves. The reason: Executives’ commitment to their CEO’s strategy is largely based on how they view their CEO, a sensitive topic they typically won’t talk about openly to the CEO or other team members.


    The HR executive can be the perfect go-between, someone who can help the CEO create an environment of honesty and openness at the top of the organization. In fact, it’s a role that HR executives are uniquely positioned to play – if they know how to do so and are willing to take the risk. The risk comes from telling a CEO about issues he may not want to hear. But the risk can have outsized returns: becoming the CEO’s closest internal confidant, coach and partner in getting the organization squarely behind his strategy.


    The momentum required to transform a company starts at the top. When a firm embarks on a major shift in, or acceleration of, a strategy, the CEO must first get the senior management team to embrace the change. If they don’t, their direct reports will pick up on their cues that the strategy isn’t right and that they, too, don’t have to take it seriously. That attitude will then cascade down through the organization, level by level, no matter how many consultants the CEO brings in, how many town hall meetings he convenes, or how many internal e-mails and videos he produces imploring everyone to get behind the strategy.


    So why aren’t many top executives in sync with what the CEO wants them to do? In our previous Workforce Management magazine column, we explained that CEOs pay too much attention to the “content issues” of their strategy – creating a viable strategy and clearly explaining it internally. We then discussed why they often failed to generate the internal commitment: by ignoring the “context issues.” This refers to addressing employees’ perceptions about the CEO’s courage, competence and sincerity, as well as the concern that he holds about employees. Failing to address context issues undermines employee commitment.


    To many, lack of commitment to a CEO’s strategy is far more understandable at the lower levels of an organization than it is at the top. Following wave after wave of downsizings the past 20 years, many frontline employees have come to believe that the CEO sees them as expendable. But why are top executives—the employees who are usually paid the most and the closest to influencing the CEO’s strategy—often not on board? Many times it’s because the CEO believes money buys commitment. That is, if he pays his executives well enough, he ought to be buying their allegiance.


    But in companies that haven’t addressed and solved the context issues at the top, no amount of money will persuade the CEO’s direct reports to get fully behind him. If they feel the CEO doesn’t care for them (which includes not being concerned about the executive team climate and working dynamics) or won’t include them in shaping the strategy, they are likely to go through the motions and do only what’s necessary to collect their paycheck (before they find another employer).


    The CEOs of two of our clients were stunned after we told them that their management team members were dissatisfied with the climate and strategy of the firm.


    “I made all these guys millionaires and they’re still unhappy,” said one CEO. “I don’t get it.”


    What he didn’t get is that compensation is only a temporary motivator. Once the immediate gratification from the raise wears off, the initial boost in commitment will begin to waver. In fact, if managers believe they’ve become hostages to their fortunes, their morale may weaken even further. All to say that commitment to a strategy can’t be bought. Too many CEOs are constantly trying to buy it.


    So how can HR executives help the CEO defuse the silent saboteurs and turn them into passionate and effective executors of a new strategy? By helping the CEO detect, address and resolve the context issues.


    That is, by helping the CEO understand how he is perceived by his executive team (and the rest of the organization), no punches pulled, and coaching him on what he must do to change those perceptions. It also requires the HR executive to continually track such perceptions and report them back to the CEO in a way that won’t result in retribution. (In this way, the HR executive must also become the confidant of his peers, the executive team members.) This, of course, requires that the HR executive have courage and take risk. Yet we believe the reward will far outstrip the risk of allowing what many HR executives who yearned to do since they entered the field: to make a fundamental difference in the spirit and energy of a company.


    A big caveat here: While we wholeheartedly believe that HR executives can and must play this vaunted role, they must be careful not to overstep the bounds of the role. That is, the HR executive can’t become the organizational front man for a CEO who prefers to delegate the job of communicating the content and addressing the context issues for a new strategy.


    This happened to an HR executive in a large financial institution who headed a major cultural change initiative. He and his HR team invested significant resources in rolling out a series of mandatory meetings for managers and workers across the organization. In the meetings, the HR head explained the values and strategy of the organization. But other executive team members quickly resented the HR executive for appearing to grab power that didn’t belong to him. More important, the cultural change initiative was greatly resisted by managers who expressed resentment about the CEO’s absence in the process. Only after the CEO got the message and took ownership of the initiative did the program succeed.


    We have seen similar dynamics in other companies.


    HR executives who take on this role have made a big difference in the level of commitment in their companies. Corey Heller, the top HR executive at the USA division of CHEP, a $3 billion pallet and container leasing company, has been increasingly instrumental in getting his CEO to understand his commitment “blockers” and address them effectively. He’s become accustomed to the risk in his job from addressing tough context issues. In fact, he says his job satisfaction today is correlated with his confidence in assuming risk.


    “The best part of my job is when I directly impact and influence the leadership of this company. My ability to do so is directly related to how much risk I am willing to take,” he says.


    In contrast, another HR executive whom we know gave up trying to coach his CEO in this manner. The company’s performance has been flat, and the majority of the executive team (other than the CEO) is dispirited.


    “The minute I realized I couldn’t make a difference, I knew it was over,” he told us. He toils in misery at the company, ready to jump to another firm after he collects his bonus.


    Smart CEOs realize they need such coaches to meet or exceed their goals. As the treadmill of competition accelerates in industry after industry and CEO tenures become shorter and shorter, HR executives who can play the role will become highly coveted advisors that no CEO can do without.

Posted on March 7, 2007August 3, 2023

Lawmaker Hints at 401(k) Legislation

After an initial hearing on 401(k) fees, the chairman of a House committee says he is inclined to offer legislation that would require plan sponsors to provide greater disclosure about charges related to the retirement products.


Rep. George Miller, D-California, chairman of the House Education and Labor Committee, convened the hearing Tuesday, March 6, to explore what he says are hidden fees that erode the retirement savings of middle-class Americans.


“There’s general agreement, both with the industry and certainly on this committee, that there are some serious problems with transparency, with possibly conflicted relationships, and with understandable language [in prospectuses] for plan participants,” Miller told reporters after the hearing.


He says that he doesn’t have a timetable for a bill, but asserted that something should be done.


“Inaction is probably not an option for the committee,” he says. Miller plans to schedule more 401(k) hearings during the next few weeks.


Following the March 6 meeting, the Department of Labor tried to demonstrate that it is moving on the 401(k) fee issue. In a statement, it said that it is planning to publish this spring a proposed regulation to require service providers to disclose their compensation, fees and other financial arrangements.


The department also said it will soon publish a request for information seeking public comments on how to improve fee disclosure. Last year, it expanded the public disclosure of fee and expense information on Form 5500 annual reports.


The DOL’s efforts notwithstanding, Miller is convinced that middle-income families are suffering retirement income losses thanks to fees they don’t see or understand.


Miller commissioned a study released by the Government Accountability Office in November stating that opaque fee structures hurt participants. The agency said that a 1 percentage point difference in annual costs for a $20,000 401(k) account over 20 years can result in a 17 percent difference in accumulated savings.


Such losses could be devastating to a retirement nest egg, Miller contends.


“A lot of middle Americans struggle every month to make this contribution,” he says.


Inscrutable fees and conflicts of interest with service providers amount to a situation in which “you have a lot of people dipping into other people’s money,” Miller says.


An industry expert cautions that Congress must be careful in defining what kind of information to provide and how much—considering there are dozens of different kinds of fees.


“It is important to make sure that the cost of doing this does not overwhelm the benefit that comes from it,” says Robert Chambers, a partner at Helms Mulliss Wicker in Charlotte, North Carolina, and chairman of the American Benefits Council.


Chambers favors greater fee disclosure but said it should be done in a way that doesn’t create burdens for plan sponsors or scare investors. He said that fees should be related to the quality of the investment product.


“The reasonableness of a fee is based on what you get for it,” he said.


But another expert argues that hidden fees make it difficult for CFOs to assure workers that they are not being hurt by excessive costs.


“The industry must not impede the fiduciary,” says Matthew Hutcheson, plan architect at G Fiduciary in Tualatin, Oregon. “If we held everyone to a fiduciary standard, this might self-correct.”


Misleading and obscure information is the rule, not the exception, when it comes to 401(k) costs, according to Hutcheson.


“It’s pervasive,” he says.


One example of an effort to increase fees, according to Hutcheson, occurs when a record keeper is paid based on the number of funds in which money is invested. Instead of spreading assets among four or five funds, the money may be put in eight or more.


In its report, the GAO suggested two legislative remedies. The agency said Congress should consider amending the retirement savings law to require that all plan sponsors disclose fee information in a way that facilities consumer comparisons of investment options. The GAO also recommended that Congress should consider amending the retirement law so 401(k) service providers disclose to plan sponsors compensation they receive from other service providers.


When it comes to legislation, however, the senior Republican on the House committee urged a measured pace.


“We must resist the urge to simply overload workers with information—or worse, to mandate the distribution of out-of-context information that may lead participants to make poor investment choices,” says Rep. Howard “Buck” McKeon, R-California.


Overall, the hearing was less of a grilling of the 401(k) industry than a lively discussion.


“There was a general sense of people wanting to understand the issue and come to a good conclusion,” says Ann Combs, a principal at Vanguard and former assistant secretary of labor for the Employee Benefits Security Administration.


—Mark Schoeff Jr.


 


Posted on March 5, 2007July 10, 2018

Auto 401(k)s May Turn More Volatile

Maybe 401(k) plans can be dragged into the world of modern portfolio theory after all.


At least that’s the hope of observers who contend the automation of 401(k)s promoted by last year’s pension law will bring about a drastic change in the way defined-contribution plan assets are invested.


As companies automatically enroll more workers in 401(k) plans’ default investments, observers say, the current system in which participants make their own investment decisions will be replaced by one in which the majority of 401(k) assets are professionally managed.


Boston College found that between 1988 and 2004, the overall returns on defined-benefit plan assets beat those of 401(k) plans by about one percentage point and attributed the 401(k) shortfall to participants’ “poor timing and investment mistakes.”


At a minimum, the new default investments will ensure that participants are diversified. The Center for Retirement Research report found that nearly 50 percent of 401(k) accounts were not diversified, with some participants having little or nothing in stocks and others investing only in them. The report concluded that using default investments that provide diversification should “significantly improve the performance of 401(k) plans.”


But compared with the investments that companies currently use as defaults, like stable-value and money market funds, the new default investments are more aggressive and more volatile. Are companies that sponsor 401(k) plans ready for the change?


The three types of investments that the Department of Labor proposed as defaults last fall are lifecycle funds, balanced funds and managed accounts. Consultants say plan sponsors’ interest seems centered on lifecycle funds, also known as target-date retirement funds, which invest in a manner appropriate for an employee planning to retire around the date specified in the fund’s title.


Lifecycle funds are “more aggressive compared with, say, money-market defaults of the past,” says Mark Ruloff, director of asset allocation for Watson Wyatt Investment Consulting, adding that money market defaults were not very good investments in the first place.


The new defaults “have better expected returns, but they also will have more volatility than the money market strategy,” he says.


He added that the lifecycle funds’ approach is basically an effort to deal with 401(k) participants’ shortcomings as savers: “The lifecycle funds are trying to compensate for [participants’] overspending and under-saving and long life by taking on more aggressive investment strategies.”


As lifecycle funds take over the task of investing participants’ savings, they are going beyond the stock and bond funds that make up the bulk of choices in 401(k) plans to add more sophisticated options, ranging from emerging-markets securities and high-yield bonds to real estate.


Donald Stone, president of Plan Sponsor Advisors, says some lifecycle funds already use “one or two or even more asset classes that you don’t see often in a core [401(k)] menu.”


He cited TIPS, high-yield bonds, emerging markets and even real estate. “Emerging markets is not anything you see on core investment menus.” And while some 401(k) plans offer real estate as an option, Stone said it is showing up more often in lifecycle funds.


Adding different types of investments, especially those whose performance tends to have a low correlation to the performance of traditional investments, “can in fact enhance returns and mitigate risks,” he says. “Real estate is a really good example of that. It tends to dampen volatility and [over time] has enhanced returns as well.”


Ruloff says that putting alternative investments on a 401(k) investment menu has different ramifications than putting them in a lifecycle fund.


If investors could stash all their retirement money in emerging-market funds, they could see volatility like last week’s 9 percent sell-off in the Chinese stock market. But using a broad range of investments within a lifecycle fund “actually provides the opportunity to have less [overall] volatility,” Ruloff says.


If companies are concerned about the level of risk or volatility of lifecycle funds, the third type of proposed default, professionally managed accounts, may seem like a safer bet, since managed account providers divide participants’ assets among investments already in the 401(k) plan.


“The nice thing with managed accounts is you know exactly what’s being used,” says Jeff Maggioncalda, president and CEO of Financial Engines, a managed account and advice provider.


The shift toward a defined-benefit style of investing in 401(k) plans includes a change in the way goals are framed. Instead of the traditional focus on the total amount a participant has saved, plan providers and the companies sponsoring plans are beginning to consider how those assets will translate into retirement income.


“It’s not so much your balance, but if you’re on track to have the income you need,” Stone says. “That’s a very DB concept.”


Filed by Susan Kelly of Financial Week, a sister publication of Workforce Management. To comment, e-mail editors@workforce.com.

Related stories online:
Insurers Rolling Out 401(k) Annuity Options  


A Bad Marriage? Variable Annuities and 401(k) Plans

Posted on March 2, 2007August 3, 2023

Dear Workforce How Do We Separate Merit Raises From Performance Scores

Dear Shifting Gears:



The link between performance management and merit scores remains a fuzzy proposition and will continue to be, unless performance goals are adjusted to match the individual goals of each employee. You also need to track this successfully–a major problem for most organizations.

Factor in subjective ratings issues, such as employee attitudes and other personality factors favored by employers, and it’s easy to see how these competing criteria can create a recipe for failure.

Compensation experts for years have preached that discussions on performance with employees should not be linked to pay discussions, although most companies ignore this advice.

I am not a fan of using employees’ performance ratings or scores as a basis for pay decisions. Employees should know at all times how well they are performing and also need to see periodic adjustments to their base pay that keeps wages in line with their peers in the marketplace (we are not talking about a cost-of-living adjustment, though).

In addition, your pay programs should focus on company-established business goals and the professional development of employees by improving their skill sets. Pay programs that fit into this category include gain-sharing, profit-sharing, skills-based pay and milestone pay (common in project work), as well as other custom programs that emphasize sharing financial success with all or most employees based on meeting certain milestones.

Design your pay programs with a view to supporting the company’s business goals. Also, be sure they are linked throughout the company, so that whichever goals the executive team is rewarded for are the same goals for which receptionists and others are rewarded as well.

SOURCE: Dick Dauphinais, the Herman Group, Greensboro, North Carolina, April 20, 2006.

LEARN MORE: Please read Retooling Pay to see how companies in old-line industries are turning to performance-based pay and incentives. Of similar interest is A New Way to Pay.

The information contained in this article is intended to provide useful information on the topic covered, but should not be construed as legal advice or a legal opinion. Also remember that state laws may differ from the federal law.

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Posted on March 2, 2007July 10, 2018

401(k) Hearings May Set Tone For Dems’ Oversight

With their takeover of Congress, Democrats have vowed to scrutinize the Bush administration much more carefully than they claim that Republicans did when they were in charge.

Congressional review won’t just apply to government agencies, it also will hit the private sector-and the retirement finance industry will be one of the first under the microscope, according to James Delaplane, a partner at the Washington law firm Davis & Harman.


Sometime in March, the House Education and Labor Committee likely will launch hearings on 401(k) fees. The impetus is a November report by the Government Accountability Office that called for greater transparency in fees and demonstrated how small cost increases can dramatically curb fund returns.


The report was requested by Rep. George Miller, D-California and chairman of the committee, who worries that hidden fees are eroding the savings of many Americans. Miller’s stewardship of the labor panel will be characterized by a focus on what he says are the economic hardships facing the middle class even in the midst of high corporate profits.


For 401(k) plan sponsors, this could translate into some uncomfortable grill­ing on Capitol Hill.


“They’re going to be a rough set of hearings,” Delaplane told an audience this month at the Pensions & Investments East Coast Defined Contribution Conference in Palm Beach Gardens, Flo­rida. “Hold on to your hats.”


Miller has indicated that he will be a te­nacious watchdog. “The core part of this committee is effective oversight,” he says.


The California lawmaker’s reach will extend beyond the Bush administration. The 401(k) hearings are “an example of stepped-up oversight, not just of government agencies but also of employer programs,” Delaplane says. “He’s an extremely aggressive chairman. He will be the one who defines retirement policy in the House—and it won’t always be pretty.”


An industry advocate argues that a problem with analyzing 401(k) fees is that they are charged for investment management. Parsing the value of the service can depend on how well the fund does, says Mike Barry, president of Plan Advisory Services.


A higher fee may be worth it, if a participant is receiving superior returns for his or her money. Each plan may have unique justifications for why it costs more—or less—than others.


“There’s no way to compare this apple to that apple,” Barry says.


The Department of Labor had been drafting regulations for 401(k) fees before the GAO report was issued. And fees have been the subject of numerous court cases.


Lori Lucas, senior vice president of Callan Associates, says that providers should improve fee analysis and benchmarking. Fees must be reasonable for what the plan provides—a rule that can be amorphous.


“That’s where the art and complexity of this exercise comes into play,” she says.


The 401(k) examination could result in highlighting investment management, record keeping and trustee charges in revenue-sharing agreements. Currently, in such arrangements fees are taken out of profit—and participants may not know they’re being assessed.


“Disclosure is not just about participants making better choices, but participants driving change,” Barry says.


Mark Schoeff Jr.

Posted on March 2, 2007July 10, 2018

High Point for Card-Check Legislation

Legislation that would facilitate unionization passed the House of Representatives on Thursday, March 1. But that may be the measure’s high point, with uncertain Senate prospects and a veto threat from President Bush looming ahead.

The House approved the bill 241-185, with 13 Republicans joining 228 Democrats in supporting the measure, which would permit a union to be formed if a majority of workers sign authorization cards.


Under current law, a company can accept a so-called card-check election or force a secret ballot vote supervised by the National Labor Relations Board.


In addition, the bill would allow a company or a union to refer a first contract dispute to mediation after 90 days and to binding arbitration after 30 days of mediation. It would impose fines up to $20,000 on companies that discriminate against workers during organizing campaigns and force them to pay treble back wages.


The House defeated GOP amendments to allow employees to put themselves on union “do not call” lists and to mandate that elections occur only through secret balloting.


Advocates for the bill argue that it would allow employees to freely form unions without coercion from employers.


“It’s ending intimidation of hardworking Americans … when they simply say, ‘I want a union,’ ” Rep. George Miller, D-California and chairman of the House Education and Labor Committee, said in a press briefing after the vote.


Opponents assert that the measure would subject workers to pressure from unions, who they say have championed the bill as a means to boost their declining numbers.


Earlier in the week, the Bush administration formally announced that the president would veto the bill if it reached his desk.


“The administration opposes any effort to circumvent supervised elections and private balloting,” a policy statement says. “It is a fundamental tenet of democracy that individuals are able to vote their conscience, free from the threat of reprisal.”


Before getting to the president, the bill has to survive the Senate, where it needs 60 votes to avoid a filibuster. A similar bill garnered 45 Senate co-sponsors in the last Congress.


On Thursday, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Kentucky, made ominous overtures about the House bill. “I can assure you that it will meet a different fate when it gets to the Senate,” he said in a speech.


Miller says that the bill is building momentum that will help it in the Senate because proponents are tasting victory that was impossible during Republican control of Congress.


He and other Democrats cite the unionization measure, along with an increase in the minimum wage, as evidence of their support for the middle class, which has seen pensions disappear and health care costs escalate despite big corporate profits.


“We’re here to make the economy fairer,” House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-California, said in the post-vote press conference.


Republicans, however, say Democrats are motivated by politics. They accuse them of promoting the bill as a payback to unions for their support during the 2006 election, when Democrats took control of the House and Senate. Labor contributed $56.7 million to Democratic candidates, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.


“It’s almost beyond my imagination that this bill is on the floor of the House of Representatives taking away the secret ballot election,” said House Minority Leader John Boehner, R-Ohio, during the floor debate. “It’s about upsetting the balance between workers and management. This is an effort to help [unions] get more members.”


The business lobby is putting up a fierce fight against the bill. A U.S. Chamber of Commerce grass-roots campaign has resulted in 40,000 individual contacts with Capitol Hill offices and involves targeted radio ads in many congressional districts.


Some companies, however, have allowed their employees to form unions through the card-check process. Cingular says that doing so has helped it increase employee engagement and improve customer relations.


Miller says that easing unionization establishes a cooperative atmosphere in the workplace “rather than two armed camps.”


“This has exciting potential for forward-thinking, forward-leaning companies,” he says.


—Mark Schoeff Jr.



Tell us what you think. Discuss this article in the Workforce Management Community Center or e-mail your comments to editors@workforce.com.

Posted on March 2, 2007July 10, 2018

HR’s No. 1 Priority Profit

The days of being satisfied with achieving “business partner” status are over. The rapid flattening of the business world presents nearly every business function with an opportunity to dramatically affect results and renders overhead functions that are merely efficient invisible.


    To keep that seat at the table and remain a viable part of the executive committee, HR leaders must shift their approach from maintaining the status quo with only incremental gains in efficiency to a new model that I call “business impact HR.” Failure to abandon the satisfaction that comes from past successes and embrace new realities will result in the decline of the HR function’s scope or a total outsourcing of the function.


    Let’s start with the fundamentals. The primary measure of any business function, according to most senior-level executives, should be demonstrated impact on the bottom line (preferably a positive impact). Obviously, functions that have the most visible impact on profit receive the largest amount of recognition and respect. Finance, for example, directly increases profits by making effective investments. Marketing increases profits by increasing the volume of prospects that can be processed by sales. In contrast, functions that do not have a clearly visible impact on profits (accounting, IT, HR, etc.) are doomed to battle for funding or may face elimination. It’s either “show me the money” or you will be “shown the door.”


    Business impact HR shifts human resources away from its current process-efficiency focus and instead adopts a goal of delivering a demonstrated business impact. The concept is borrowed directly from the most powerful business functions: marketing, finance and product development. The mission statement for this approach is short and to the point:


    “The mission of business impact HR is to understand the business and identify the specific areas where great people and talent management can directly affect business results. HR then focuses on those activities and develops credible metrics so that the CEO, CFO and other functional leaders will irrefutably see the direct connection between investing in these areas of HR and increased revenue, margins and profitability.”


    Proving an impact on profit is, of course, not easy. But all strategic things are almost by definition difficult to do. Fear not; others have already found a way to make the shift. For example, up until the 1990s, purchasing, inventory control and warehousing were considered overhead functions and, as a result, were treated with little respect. But when a few visionaries at companies like Wal-Mart and Dell decided that by adding a little technology and a lot of metrics they could transform these “backwater” functions into the profit-generating supply-chain powerhouse that we know today, they changed the game.


    If you’re ready to make that kind of shift, the first step is to identify high-impact activities. Start by talking to managers and taking a look at the research done by Watson Wyatt. The consultancy’s Human Capital Index identifies high-impact HR activities by correlating the performance of companies to the existence of world-class, average and pitiful HR practices. HR leaders must shift their talent and budget to focus on these high-impact activities. Also assume that line managers will be skeptical, so educate them with examples and correlations that show that high-performing business units also rate extremely high in their people management practices.


    In the financial area, HR must work with the CFO’s office to learn how to convert HR results into dollar impacts. You would convert a typical HR statement, such as “Our turnover rate is 2 percent,” into something more meaningful, such as “Turnover cost us $17 million last year and our total firm profit was only $12 million.”


    HR also must redefine its primary customer. It should be the firm’s external customers, because if you focus on the paying customer, you increase your chances of affecting profits. Other critical actions include changing to data-based decision-making, focusing on preventing people problems, and shifting the language of HR professionals toward the language of business (which includes productivity, ROI and profit).


    The last step is a longer-term action requiring HR to lead a companywide effort to shift the organization to a performance culture in which all rewards, recognition and people-related programs are focused on business performance.


    A final thought: In tomorrow’s business world, every function will be fast, agile, low-cost and will provide a substantial competitive advantage. It will also be expected to be innovative and, above all, able to demonstrate its irrefutable impact on the bottom line. Unfortunately for many in HR, there is no “option B” available.


Workforce Management, February 26, 2007, p. 50 — Subscribe Now!

Posted on March 1, 2007July 10, 2018

FedEx, Goodyear Make Big Pension Plan Changes

FedEx Corp. has announced that it will freeze its traditional pension plan, expand its cash-balance plan and make improvements to its 401(k) plan.

The $34 billion delivery company said the changes reflect accounting and funding rule changes, the Pension Protection Act’s provisions on cash-balance plans and automating 401(k)s, and shifting demographic trends.


Since last summer’s Pension Protection Act established that cash-balance plans don’t discriminate against older workers, MeadWestvaco said it would convert its traditional pension plan to a cash-balance plan and another company, Phoenix Cos., announced that it would convert its traditional pension plan to a pension-equity plan, another type of hybrid pension plan.


FedEx already had a cash-balance plan, instituted in 2003, in which it enrolled new hires. It had given existing employees the choice of switching to the cash-balance plan or staying in the pension plan. As of June 1, 2008, employees who are still in the traditional pension plan will begin accruing benefits under the cash-balance plan; they will not accrue additional benefits in the traditional plan but will be paid the benefits they have already accrued when they retire.


In line with the Pension Protection Act’s encouragement of automation in 401(k) plans, FedEx also said it will begin to automatically enroll employees in its 401(k) and automatically increase their savings rate each year. It will also add investment options and boost the company match to a maximum of 3.5 percent of an employee’s salary; currently, FedEx matches up to $500.


The company says that it does not expect the changes it is making to alter the amount it spends on employee retirement plans. A FedEx spokesman said the changes in retirement plans apply to 170,000 U.S. employees.


Separately, Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. announced that it will freeze its defined-benefit pension plans for salaried workers at the end of 2008 and replace them with enhanced 401(k) benefits. At the start of 2009, Goodyear will begin matching 50% of the first 4 percent of pay that employees save in the salaried 401(k) plans.


Goodyear also said that it will redesign its retiree medical benefits, including increasing the contributions that retirees make toward the cost of those benefits.


Filed by Susan Kelly of Pensions & Investments, a sister publication of Workforce Management. To comment, e-mail editors@workforce.com.

Posted on February 27, 2007July 10, 2018

More Labor Battles Likely Regarding Benefits

As federal lawmakers—even President Bush—tentatively wade into the health care reform waters, battles between employers and organized labor are expected to push the issue to new heights this year.


“Employers are becoming increasingly aggressive in trying to shift costs to employees,” says Richard Bank, director of the AFL-CIO’s collective bargaining department. And unions are expected to be equally aggressive in resisting that effort during big contract negotiations this year.


Grocery workers who struck grocery chains in Southern California for 4½ months in 2003-04 see their contracts expire next month, and their unions are expected to fight hard to win back some of the health care benefits they lost in 2004.


In addition, the United Auto Workers will renegotiate its contracts with the Big Three automakers, which have been vocal about the effect of employee health care costs on their competitive position. And General Electric will negotiate a new contract with 13 of its unions, some of which went on strike in 2003 over health benefits.


In the past few months, disputes about health coverage helped end contract negotiations at Harley-Davidson and Goodyear Tire & Rubber, leading to strikes.


“In every major strike in the last five years, health care benefits have been among the top two or three issues,” says Gary Chaison, a professor of industrial relations at Clark University in Worcester, Massachusetts.


“This is a benefit that workers rely on,” he adds. “They don’t want you to tamper with it.”


Companies’ efforts to shift costs reflect the rapid escalation in health care costs. The AFL-CIO’s Bank also notes the pressure companies are getting from Wall Street to cut labor costs, “especially health care costs.” And globalization pits U.S. companies against overseas competitors with much lower benefits costs, often because they operate in countries where the government provides health care, he added.


General Motors estimates its health care costs come to $1,500 per vehicle, putting it at a disadvantage against competitors that don’t pay such costs.


“American employers are strapped with a really expensive benefit,” Chaison says.


Bank also cites accounting rules that require employers to reveal their obligations for retiree health care costs on their balance sheets.


“Those are big numbers for a lot of companies,” he says.


At Harley-Davidson, one dispute was the company’s proposal that workers begin paying part of their health insurance premiums. The contract the union approved in mid-February left the company paying all the premiums but increased union members’ deductibles and co-pays. Negotiations in which a company that has been paying all health care costs asks union members to start paying part of the health insurance premium can be particularly contentious, Chaison says.


“Workers feel that if they pay any of the premiums,” he says, “it opens the door to further concessions down the line.”


And contract negotiations that deteriorate into a strike can be costly for both sides. Analysts estimated that the strike by 2,800 Harley employees this month may have cost the company as much as $11 million a day. Goodyear reported in mid-February that the 86-day strike by about 15,000 members of the United Steelworkers of America late last year subtracted $367 million from its 2006 net income. Goodyear also expects the strike to have another $200 million to $230 million impact on its North American tire business in the first half of 2007.


But Goodyear says the new contract was worth it.


“We fully realize there were negative short-term effects of the strike,” Goodyear CEO Robert Keegan said on a call with analysts after the strike. “However, on balance, the improvements in our competitive position far outweigh those negatives.”


Goodyear estimated it will save as much as $610 million during the three-year term of the contract and realize ongoing savings of $300 million a year after that.


The contract allowed Goodyear to shed its responsibility for retired union members’ health benefits by providing funding for a trust that will take on those obligations. The level of funding was one area of disagreement: The company offered $660 million, while the union asked for about $1.3 billion. They settled on $1 billion.


Richard Hurd, a labor professor at Cornell University, said unions often manage to maintain their health benefits by making trade-offs in other areas, like work rules or pay.


“For the most part, unions are holding on to the basic structure of their health benefits,” Bank says. “However, there is no question that more and more costs are being shifted to employees.”


He added that if employers, for decades the primary providers of health care in the United States, continue to shift the responsibility onto employees, “there has to be an alternative system put into place.”


“The problems that we have with our health care system cannot be fixed at the bargaining table,” Bank says. “They demand a legislative solution at the national level.”


Filed by Susan Kelly of Financial Week, a sister publication of Workforce Management. To comment, e-mail editors@workforce.com.

Posted on February 27, 2007June 29, 2023

Can Dems Work With Business

Democratic leaders on Capitol Hill and the corporate community extended hands of friendship to one another as the new Congress took office last month. But whether that relationship grows or founders may depend in large part on how workplace issues unfold over the next few months.

    Rep. Barney Frank, D-Massachusetts and chairman of the House Financial Services Committee, has sketched what he calls a “grand bargain” between the business community and Democrats.


    In Frank’s formulation, Democrats would support corporate priorities like trade liberalization and immigration reform if business would agree to facilitate unionization and expand health care, among other initiatives.


    But Democrats and business are already parting company over one issue: minimum wage legislation. Many Democrats are backing the House version, which is a “clean” bill, free of amendments. Many corporate interests, meanwhile, support a Senate bill that includes tax breaks for small business to offset the added costs of raising pay levels.


    A more profound split between Democrats and business, one that may help determine the fate of Frank’s bargain, is likely to occur over the mechanics of unionization.


    At the heart of the conflict is a bill that would authorize a union when a majority of employees sign cards approving collective bargaining. Titled the Employee Free Choice Act, it is a top priority of organized labor, a constituency that helped put Democrats in the majority in the House and Senate.


    Republicans generally oppose the so-called “card check” bill, supporting instead a measure that would ensure secret-ballot union elections. Both sides tout their legislation as the vehicle that will ensure fair tallies bereft of corporate or union coercion.


    The first hearing on the card check measure was scheduled for February 8. When it was announced, Republicans on the House Education and Labor Committee immediately released a statement denouncing the bill and declaring that “the honeymoon’s over” with Democrats.


    Fostering more union participation is one remedy Democrats advocate for addressing what they see as increasing inequality in the U.S. economy, or what they call “the middle class squeeze.”


    In a January speech at the National Press Club, Frank cited Wal-Mart’s proposal to staff its stores based on customer flow, rather than traditional schedules, as an example of how a corporation ignores the family needs of its workers.


    “If you have to pick up your kid at school, that’s tough,” he said. “Unions help protect people’s dignity in the workplace.”


    But business interests have indicated they’re going to push back hard. “Unions think the newly elected Congress owes them card check legislation,” says Thomas Donohue, president and CEO of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. “They’re going to have a major fight on their hands.”


    The National Restaurant Association has warned legislators that the card check bill will be one of its “key votes” during the congressional session. Interest groups determine whether they will provide political and financial support to candidates based on their voting records on such issues.


    The restaurant organization so aggressively opposes the bill that it has told Republicans not to sign up as co-sponsors of the measure. In the previous Congress, the bill garnered more than 215 co-sponsors, including several Republicans.


    “That’s not acceptable,” says Steven Anderson, president and CEO of the association. “This is very, very important as we move on in the 110th Congress.”



Health coverage
    Another issue that business has put at the top of its agenda is health care. In this area, there may be more common ground between Democrats and corporate interests.


    For most Democrats, universal coverage is a fundamental political goal. For businesses, universal coverage may lower health care costs.


    One of the ways to reduce health spending for companies is to increase coverage among the 47 million Americans who lack insurance. The bills for their care ultimately are paid through raising premiums for those who do offer coverage.


    “The cost of health care was the No. 1 business expense in 2006,” says John Castellani, president of the Business Roundtable. “That was the fourth year in a row. The current situation is just unsustainable.”


    That predicament led Castellani’s group to create an unusual partnership with AARP and the Service Employees International Union to promote universal coverage. AARP, SEIU and the Roundtable often are on opposite sides of issues.


    Another umbrella organization, the Health Coverage Coalition for the Uninsured, brought together 16 disparate organizations to recommend ways to achieve universal coverage by expanding a federal-state program for children and broadening Medicare to insure more adults.


    Whether the Roundtable, AARP and SEIU will agree on precisely how to achieve universal care remains to be seen. But Castellani is not focused on that at the moment.


    “We want the political environment to be such that the government takes on the issue,” he says.


    Political reality, however, may prevent major health care reform. For the first time in a generation, contestants in the presidential campaign will be vying for an open seat, creating a free-for-all in both parties. And Republicans will try to wrest control of Capitol Hill away from Democrats in the next election. Health care progress may become a casualty of political warfare.


    “I don’t think there’s a snowball’s chance in hell of anything major happening between now and 2008,” says Andrew Webber, president and CEO of the National Business Coalition on Health.



Stalled, but optomistic
    Although seminal change in the health care system may be too much for Congress to accomplish, some observers are optimistic that Democrats and the business community can form a solid relationship, despite the perception that it’s Republicans who are more sympathetic to the corporate agenda.


    One reason for the bright outlook is that many of the candidates who were in the vanguard of the Democratic takeover are more conservative than the party’s liberal Capitol Hill veterans.


    All Democrats will be under pressure to produce legislative accomplishments to satisfy an electorate that prefers divided government and political pragmatism.


    Last fall, voters demonstrated that they care more about solving problems than engaging in partisan fisticuffs, says Gregory Casey, president and CEO of the Business-Industry Political Action Committee. He also asserts that even though such voters put Democrats in control, they aren’t committed to the party.


    Democrats “have a limited window to perform to that ‘fix it’ standard or that borrowed group of voters will move somewhere else,” he says.


    Maintaining voter good will depends in part on a thriving economy—something that Democrats and business both seek. One of the key components to the success of the House Education and Labor Committee agenda is a healthy and growing economy, says its chairman, Rep. George Miller, D-California.


    Miller says that he is talking with business about the need for innovation and a competitive workforce. As an example, he cited a steel manufacturer in his East Bay district in California.


    “Almost everybody in that steel mill is going to school,” Miller says. “They know that unless they can provide that value-added on that sheet of steel every day, 24 hours a day, seven days a week, they’re not going to be in business. This is a radically changing economy. This committee wants to be part of economic growth and expansion.”


    But in order to achieve that goal, according to Frank, Democrats and business need to establish momentum—and his grand bargain can help.


    “Right now we’re stalled,” Frank says. “That’s why the business community should care.”


Workforce Management, February 12, 2007, p. 27 — Subscribe Now!

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